Republican lawmakers distance themselves from Big Oil
Conservative principles face implementation challenges as policy meets political complexity.
Senator Chuck Grassley is about as Republican as it gets, and he's spent decades in Washington not making life difficult for the oil industry. So when he lends his name to a temporary ban on diesel exports, that's not a random committee stunt. That's a signal.
New Republican Times Editorial Board
Big Oil’s long-running alliance with the Republican Party faces a major roadblock as more GOP candidates, and President Donald Trump himself, back a temporary ban on diesel exports. The rift, driven by the war in Iran and Ukrainian strikes on refineries in Russia, broke into public view recently when Sen.
Chuck Grassley (R-IA), the president pro tempore of the Senate, became the most prominent Republican to advocate the proposal. Trump blasts oil companies for not lowering prices to consumers, accuses them of price gouging Mike Waltz joins GOP chorus blaming Russia-Ukraine War for high energy prices Since then, Republican candidates from Iowa to Michigan have endorsed the ban as a way to drive down prices and signal to voters this fall that they are sensitive to the pain the wars have caused for both farmers and consumers. (Washington Examiner illustration; AP Photos) The average cost of diesel stands at $6.52 a gallon as of late September, according to AAA, an increase of more than 80% from a year ago in the hardest-hit states, many of which are competitive in the November midterm elections.
The response from the American Petroleum Institute and other industry groups has been loud warnings that a diesel export ban would backfire and ultimately raise the price of gas due to shifts in production.
Yet the policy has enough traction in Washington that the president has tasked his advisers with formulating an administration response. “I’ve said let’s not send out the diesel,” Trump told reporters on Sept. 22. “We make a lot of diesel, and it could have a little bit of an effect on regular automobile gasoline … but no, I’ve called for it,” Trump said.
Republican backers of the policy include Rep. Ashley Hinson (R-IA) in Iowa, former Rep. Mike Rogers in Michigan, and Sen. Dan Sullivan (R-AK) in Alaska. Each is running in a competitive Senate race this fall and has paired their support with other proposals, including a gas tax holiday.
Support for a diesel export ban is hardly uniform among Republicans, with many staying on the fence and others, particularly those in oil-rich states, opposing it. It’s also unclear whether the White House is pursuing a strict ban or voluntary caps, as Energy Secretary Chris Wright suggested on Sept. 23.
Still, the high diesel prices have sparked an unusual level of pushback from a party that ordinarily takes a fossil-fuel-friendly approach to regulation and benefits from millions in contributions each cycle from the oil and gas industry.
Trump alone received $2.6 million from employees and PACs associated with the industry in 2024, according to OpenSecrets. The shift is driven, in part, by the fear that the high diesel prices are putting agriculture-heavy states in play this cycle, a concern borne out by repeated polls showing closer-than-expected races in Iowa and even more reliably Republican states such as Kansas. “Right now, if you’re growing something from the ground, you’re losing money,” said Sen.
John Boozman (R-AR), the chairman of the Senate Agriculture Committee. “It’s just really difficult.” There are also downstream effects to high diesel prices and the inflationary impact they have on consumers.
Rogers released an ad on Sept. 21 with a grocery store as his backdrop, arguing that “American energy should provide relief to American families first.” The backlash is so pronounced that Republicans such as Rep.
Tim Burchett (R-TN), who represents a safe GOP district in Tennessee, are accusing the oil and gas industry of price gouging. The industry has, in turn, responded with hostility to those calling for a ban, with the Oil and Gas Workers Association taunting Grassley on Sept. 23 when he urged the White House not to “listen 2 Big Oil.” Most of the proposals envision a diesel export ban that lasts months or until the war with Iran ends.
Sen. Susan Collins (R-ME), one of the most vulnerable incumbent Republicans running for Senate, separately called on the Trump administration to release a stockpile of diesel set aside as heating oil on Sept. 22.
On the question of a diesel export ban, Collins told reporters, “It’s worth looking at.” The debate comes as Trump faces GOP blowback over another policy designed to lower beef costs in the United States and as affordability concerns dominate the 2026 election cycle.
The administration is reportedly weighing whether to cut back on foreign beef imports, a move opposed by the U.S. cattle ranching industry. David Sivak (@DISivak) is Congress and campaigns editor at the Washington Examiner.
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New Republican Times Editorial Board
Senator Chuck Grassley is about as Republican as it gets, and he's spent decades in Washington not making life difficult for the oil industry. So when he lends his name to a temporary ban on diesel exports, that's not a random committee stunt. That's a signal. The war in Iran and Ukrainian strikes on Russian refineries have scrambled global fuel markets, and American diesel is being shipped overseas while prices pinch folks at home. The old alliance between the GOP and Big Oil just hit a very public speed bump.
You don't have to love every barrel of it. But there's something refreshing about Republicans asking the obvious question: why are we exporting diesel when our own farmers and truckers are paying the price? President Trump backing this idea tells you which way the wind blows. He's always been willing to poke the oilmen when their interests don't line up with the people who voted for him. This is that moment. Big Oil's lobbyists can throw around campaign contributions, but they can't easily explain why American diesel should fuel foreign markets while Iowa harvests wait on fuel for the combine.
Now, let's not pretend a temporary export ban is a perfect policy. It's a blunt instrument, and the market will grumble. But the deeper point is that Republicans are no longer treating oil companies like sacred cows. The party is choosing voters over executives. That's a healthy instinct, and it's about time. Want to keep the reliable energy production that made us independent? Fine. But don't mistake corporate profit for patriotic duty.
The real test is what happens when the conflict cools and prices ease. Will GOP lawmakers remember this moment, or will they run back to the old relationship? We'll be watching. If they stay on the side of the American consumer, that's a permanent change worth applauding. If it was just a wartime gesture, then the distance from Big Oil was never real. Right now, we're inclined to give them the benefit of the doubt. But the clock is ticking.
Commentary written with AI assistance by the New Republican Times Editorial Board.